Ethical Issues and Violcen Again Gender Identities

Introduction

Research on family and gender problems has analyzed intimate partner violence (IPV) reaching dissimilar conclusions (Teaster et al., 2006; Valls et al., 2008, 2016; Yount and Li, 2009; Martin et al., 2013; Medrano et al., 2017; Vidu et al., 2017). Ane of these conclusions concerns on the cardinal role that socialization process has in the reproduction of this problem. The research presented in this commodity coincides in some points with these analyses but go new explanations on how communication established within the family context helps to perpetuate counter-productive socialization processes that could lead toward violent relationships. Thus, the chief hypothesis that we start from is: Communicative acts settled in daily family interactions, including verbal and non-verbal language, are fostering the maintenance of a double-standard soapbox in relation to young people's affective and sexual relationships. Hence, despite the broad cognition about affective and sexual relationships in young generations, footling research has examined how socialization on double-standards discourses is articulated in the interactions and communicative acts established between parents and teenagers. In the nowadays study we volition pay attention to the definition! that Berger and Luckmann (1991) established about socialization where primary and secondary processes are differentiated. Post-obit these authors, primary socialization implies to externalize the individual'southward being into the social world and internalize it as an objective reality. On the other hand, secondary socialization implies besides an internalization of institutional or institution-based "sub-worlds," such every bit the sectionalization of labor (Berger and Luckmann, 1991, p. 158). Additionally, we also consider the conceptualization of communicative acts understood equally verbal and nonverbal language that daily influence people's actions, decisions and desires (Habermas, 1985). This article volition deepen on family interactions aimed at showing how heterosexual girls and boys get-go conversations with their parents that take an impact on their preferences and decisions apropos sexual-affective relationships which are closely linked with IPV. This analysis provides new insights that help to encompass the reasons for the persistence of this phenomena among youth. This article is comprised by iv sections. The start part presents a literature review regarding previous enquiry on family socialization and language, socialization of emotions, socialization of attractiveness and socialization of gender stereotypes and masculinity. The 2nd part introduces the methodological paradigm and data-collection instruments used. In the tertiary department, the findings are detailed, and finally, in the 4th department the main conclusions of the research are summarized.

The research on family unit socialization makes several contributions in referring to models of attractiveness and sexual-affective relationships, in this article we present four primal themes on this line that accept been identified throughout a wide literature review. Firstly, there are a set of studies that go deep into the interactions and social meanings that are expressed through language and how these found the main form of socialization in the family unit environment. Secondly, at that place are analyses based on the emotions divers within the family environs which are constructed through language. Thirdly, there is research that stresses how socialization framed on the family unit environment promotes specific models of bewitchery. Lastly, there are contributions that provide evidence on the effects of language use on the definition of gender stereotypes and masculinity models.

Regarding the block of studies which pays attention on interactions, social meanings and language, information technology is of import to mention again the analysis conducted by Berger and Luckmann (1991). They underscore the relevance of family environs in the socialization procedure starting from the premise that is during childhood, and through interactions with family members, that a person learns how to become part of social club. This process happens through children's identification with others that makes them accept certain roles and attitudes. Other key social theorists such as Parsons and Bales (1955) put family unit as the first socializing establishment in industrial societies. They highlighted that nuclear family, and particularly mothers, was the social system that guarantees the proper internalization of social life. Along these lines, Schutz (1967) stated that the lifeworld is the globe in which the experience of others constitutes a cardinal element in the formation of self-perceptions. Therefore, the lifeworld is inter-subjective and culturally shared through symbols such equally language. Socialization, then, is mainly a social learning which implies the acquisition of structures, behaviors and tastes; and linguistic communication has a pb office in consolidating that process.

Afterward, Habermas (1985) goes beyond and argued that the process of rationalization of the lifeworld creates more egalitarian patterns of relationships which are irresolute the socialization process inside the family environment. In fact, this change on the vision of the role that nuclear family has in modern societies began when this family unit model started to exist considered equally the basis of a corrupt order (Brook-Gernsheim, 2002). Hence, from mid of 1950's to present, family's functions and forms take been modified, however, and despite of these changes, research shows that family continues having a fundamental role in children's socialization (Mitchell, 2010; Rollins and Hunter, 2013; Höppner, 2017).

Regarding the group of analyses which deepen on the socialization of emotions, research indicates that the formation of emotions in individuals is established mainly within the family (Garner et al., 1997; Elster, 2007; Hunter et al., 2011; Mandara et al., 2012; Shaffer et al., 2012). For instance, Elster (2007) affirms that emotions are based on beliefs and these are divers in socialization processes, so they are transmitted. He indicates that family contributes to inform children about the meaning of these emotions and this helps the latter to properly empathize their feelings. Other authors, such equally Hunter et al. (2011) and Shaffer et al. (2012) get further into explaining how these emotions are socialized in the family surroundings. Shaffer et al. (2012) shows that there is a direct influence between emotional development and the kind of family to which the individuals belong. Families shape emotions according to sure risk factors in relation to housing and socio-economic status and these issues directly bear upon children'south feelings (Shaffer et al., 2012). In the aforementioned vein, Hunter et al. (2011) focus on how children's emotions are directly related to their parents' emotions, finding prove that parents' strategies influence young people's emotional beliefs. This research besides maintains that there are socializing differences between fathers and mothers; therefore, how young men and women develop their personality depends straight on how parents interact with their children. Consequently, children whose mothers participate more than in emotional socialization have more chapters for emotional regulation than those whose mothers are less present in that process. Finally, on this group of studies focused on emotions and similarly than the higher up mentioned analyses, there are researches which conclude that this emotional socialization within family environment leads to reproduce gender stereotypes, for example the promotion of gender identities based on the distinction between a tougher boy or a fragile girl (Garner et al., 1997; Botello, 2017). Mandara et al. (2012), who performed a enquiry with African–American mothers, likewise illustrate that stereotyping process, finding that those mothers who take care of daughters are more relaxed and less negative than those who take care of sons. Drawing on a psychological perspective, Chocolate-brown (2011) deepens on this regard exploring how prejudice is constructed during childhood. He concluded that social behaviors are shaped on these tendencies established throughout private personality, only insisting on the fact that attitudes and actions are as well influenced by the social groups that each person belongs.

The tertiary section of this literature review is focused on the socialization of attractiveness and how language is a fundamental element on this regard. There is an important amount of analyses that stress the fact that models of bewitchery are socially synthetic and this becomes a process which is influencing people'due south choices on relation to sexual and affective relationships (Valls et al., 2008; Díez-Palomar et al., 2014; Gomez, 2015; Puigvert, 2016). This group of researches starts from a conceptualization of models of attractiveness that understand them as social patterns which provide of desire or valorization item types of masculinities and feminities (Padrós, 2012). Therefore, every-mean solar day interaction spaces, like the ones established in family, contribute to foster or reject certain models of attractiveness, so these spaces get very important at early ages. Recent studies on this line illustrate an alarming problem concerning the existence of models of attractiveness which are connected to violent behaviors, this means that immature people and adolescents are beingness socialized on attraction toward violence and this tin drive them to toxic relationships marked by IPV (Valls et al., 2008). Valls et al. (2008) confirmed that result and they discovered that this link betwixt aggressiveness and attractiveness is due a chauvinist socialization procedure which promotes desire toward masculine models that are ascendant and vehement.

The influence of linguistic communication in the abovementioned process is strongly important in people, just particularly in teenagers, because it can associate dazzler with ethical or not-ethical elements (Ríos and Christou, 2010). Thus, enquiry differentiates betwixt language of ethics and language of desire in club to explain the types of languages that people employ to promote one affair or another. Accordingly, it is quite common to utilize the language of want to foster desire and admiration for dominant traditional males, and the language of ethics to talk about egalitarian males (Castro and Mara, 2014; Schubert and Valls-Ballad, 2015). Every bit a event of this common practise the reproduction of a double-standards scheme is perpetuated (Díez-Palomar et al., 2014). Double standards are understood in that case every bit the persistence of a desire toward men who have power but not ethical values, and, on the other manus, the maintenance of a feeling of friendship toward men that have egalitarian and solidary attitudes but without power positions (Gomez, 2015). McCarthy and Casey (2008) coincide with this assay and they signal an attraction toward violence in young cohorts. These authors also pay attention on the role that family has on this link and they argued that some immature people feel their relationship with their parents is weakening, so they seek to fill up this emotional void with partners associated with violence. Thus, one of the about relevant conclusions of this inquiry is that many young people separate passionate attraction and not-passionate love, linking the old with violence and the latter with stability.

Finally, the terminal office of this literature review refers to gender socialization and the construction of masculinity. The analyses on this field are centered mainly on the written report of how hegemonic gender models are socialized and reproduced (Kimmel, 2000; Connell, 2005; Javaid, 2017). Apropos the report of masculine gender models, research has peculiarly highlighted the perpetuation of a traditional and hegemonic masculinity model through cultural potency and violence (Connell, 2005; Shumka et al., 2017). From that position, the definition of two central gender models has been conceptualized from the studies of Connell et al. (1985): emphasized femininity and hegemonic masculinity. Both ascend from the definition of hegemony provided by Gramsci and refer to cultural practices that have been maintained equally central in gender socialization. Hence, hegemonic masculinity is understood as this model of masculinity that becomes predominant excluding other models to be successful or more visible.

Research that pays attention to this matter besides highlights the part that chatty acts performed in the family unit setting has in the shaping of hegemonic masculinity as a successful model. For instance, Schrock and Schwalbe (2009) show that men who principally define themselves every bit egalitarian because share domestic chores sometimes carry out a series of chatty acts that reinforce hegemonic masculinity. In this fashion, through acts such as showing disdain for the tasks carried out by their female person partners, men who are apparently egalitarian perform communicative acts of authorisation, thereby reproducing gender inequalities. Forth the aforementioned lines, Hughey (2011) notes that in the Usa of America, chauvinist and racist spoken communication continues to be reproduced by some white men in the intimacy of their homes. This author maintains that there are many white men who publicly evidence tolerance with pro-feminist and anti-racist spoken language but that in the intimacy of their homes they reproduce speech acts that encourages gender and race inequality. These two studies show that the family environment, in some cases, reproduces gender stereotypes where the traditional model of masculinity is promoted. Then, research framed on men'south studies clarify the distinction between traditional and egalitarian masculinities that aid to comprehend the reproduction of these gender disparities (Flecha et al., 2013; Castro and Mara, 2014). This distinction is based on the conceptualization of three ideal-types: Dominant Traditional Masculinity (DTM), Oppressed Traditional Masculinity (OTM), and New Alternative Masculinities (NAM). DTM perpetuates chauvinism and IPV, OTM is not vehement just can act reproducing chauvinism and double-standards, and contrarily NAM goes across and these are the egalitarian men who are neither violent nor chauvinist, overcoming double standards practices. The review on masculinities carried out by Bridges and Pascoe (2014) also pays attending on the emergence of a "hybrid masculinity" which distances from traditional models of masculinity. This typology of masculinity combines toughness and tenderness and, in spite of this culling gender performance, is not understood as a profound challenge to hegemonic masculinity. Contrarily, these hybrid masculinities are perceived every bit a contemporary estimation of the existing gender and sexual inequalities. In a like vein, Connell (2012), in her reformulation of hegemonic masculinity in the globalization era, realizes an important distinction between violent and non-violent hegemonic masculinities. She affirms that there are men who perform chauvinist behaviors and practices but not beingness tearing, on the other mitt she also maintains at that place are men who portray this hegemonic masculinity being violent and antipathetic at the aforementioned time. All of these studies on the influence of socialization on people'due south subjectivity and on the part of language in that procedure, particularly in the shaping of attractiveness or gender stereotypes, highlight the relevant part of family for understanding the mechanisms that reconfigure people'southward identity and behaviors. Nevertheless, there is a gap in the research that examines how the language employed in the family environment, particularly by parents, influences immature people's attraction patterns and the reproduction of the double standards. This article will provide data on all these aspects.

Materials and Methods

Methodological Paradigm

To gather the evidence on the influence of language employed in the family environment in the socialization procedure of youth, a qualitative methodology, that took the communicative perspective into business relationship, was employed (Gómez et al., 2011). The main characteristic of enquiry that adopts a chatty perspective is that subjects participate in the research with a horizontal relationship with the researchers. This egalitarian arroyo is established at the beginning of the research procedure, where subjects talk over key aspects such every bit the design of the data-collection instruments and the conclusions reached through the field work assay (Flecha and Gómez, 2004). In the present study, an informational board formed by young people, parents, and people involved in the struggle against gender violence was created to satisfy this communicative premise.

Study Design and Sample Description

The research was based on a case written report carried out in a vocational preparation schoolhouse in Barcelona (Spain), which was selected because of its social and cultural variety that is quite representative of the socio-demographic reality of the urban center. Thus, in this school there are students and families which come up from Latin-America and Northward-African countries as well as from Espana. They besides come from unlike socio-economical backgrounds, merely the school is mainly attended past students of middle class, low-centre form, and working grade. The sample (due north = 60) includes young people, heterosexual men and women ranging from xviii to 23 years old that are attending vocational training, specially who are registered in courses of personal epitome, aesthetics and dazzler, and telecommunication. The sample is completed with viii mothers and fathers of the young interviewees. In this regard, the group of young people who were involved in the field piece of work were selected discussing with the principal of the school its ceremoniousness, in particular with the objective to guarantee the criteria of socio-cultural variety mentioned above. Furthermore, merely those parents who accepted to be interviewed were included in the sample.

Iii different data drove instruments were employed: life stories, in-depth interviews, and focus groups. Life-stories were conducted with the objective of deepening on specific moments of students' life. In fact, the nature of this musical instrument helped creating an atmosphere where young people openly and sincerely explained dialogues and interactions with their parents. The objective of this instrument is not to carry out a biography but to construct a reflexive narration near subjects' daily life in society to deepen on their present, past and future expectations. This is an instrument that allows researchers to place how barriers faced in subjects' life are overcome. To complement this data, the inquiry team decided to perform focus groups with young people who were already friends and had enough confidence to expound their family relations in public. Lastly, in-depth interviews addressed to mothers and fathers were developed in order to consider parents' perspective that could be contrasted with immature people's visions. More detailed information on these data-drove techniques is presented in Table i.

Table i. Summary of information collection instruments and profiles.

Data Analysis

The analysis of the information was carried out aimed at obtaining knowledge which would be useful to understand the reproduction of the double-standards soapbox. Thus, the information analysis was focused on identifying communicative acts which maintain this discourse paying particular attention on how the language of desire and the linguistic communication of ethics are used by immature and adult people (parents). Cartoon on these bounds, all the data collection instruments employed were verbatim transcribed and the quotes emerging were selected to respond the research hypothesis: Communicative acts settled in daily family interactions, including verbal and non-exact language, are fostering the maintenance of a double-standard discourse in relation to young people'south affective and sexual relationships.

Afterwards, we categorized the information considering 3 main criteria: (a) how communicative acts are used to reproduce the double standards discourse (which kind of linguistic communication is employed—ideals or want); (b) who perform the communicative acts (parents or immature people); and (c) which implications these communicative acts have in immature people'due south decisions and interests regarding their sexual and affective relationships. The findings obtained were widely discussed with the advisory lath that validate their appropriateness.

Results

Drawing on the previously presented analytical scope, four central issues emerge from our analysis which illustrate these elements that perpetuate the double standards discourse in family relations. First, the reproduction of the language of ideals to speak well-nigh boys in the family unit surround is discussed. Second, evidence on mothers as the principal actors who employ the language of ethics is presented. Third, insights are provided nearly fathers involved in discussions where the double standards about boys' sexual and affective relationships are reproduced. Lastly, the consequences that the use of the language of ethics in the family environment have on immature people are explained.

Language of Ethics in the Family Environment

Amid the families who participated in the research, the way that attractiveness toward alternative models of masculinity is promoted is highly important and mainly occurs through the employ of the language of ethics. The language of ethics is used focusing on men who are considered morally appropriate to maintain sexual-affective relationships. All participants are able to clearly ascertain what characteristics men should have to become a successful fellow from relatives' point of view, particularly incorporating aspects that are "ethically" highly valued. However, it can be observed that desire is not discussed when people talk about these boys, as shown in the post-obit quote, where a female parent expresses her desire that her girl relates with a "formal" kind of man. The verbal language she uses clearly differentiates between two kinds of men, one forged in egalitarian values and another branded past completely opposite values.

Mother: "I always worry that she doesn't just get out with anyone, that the guys that she is with should be nice. That'south why I always tell her that she has to look for guys that are worth it, non bums." (In-depth interviews, family members)

The research likewise shows that the interactions in this kind of linguistic communication have a contrary effect and it is precisely socializing heterosexual women to develop an attraction toward men who may cause them trouble. The following sentence confirms this kind of interaction that is mainly generated between the two generations. Hither the linguistic communication that is linked to kindness, but lack of want, is used to draw these "good guys" just generates an evident rejection.

Mother: I think when Esteban used to come here. He came every twenty-four hours to walk her to school, but she never paid attention to him.

Male parent: But he has always been in love with her, since they were footling.

Mother: But I tell y'all, never, and the guy didn't lack for trying. I told her that he's a good guy, that he looked nice and things like that. Simply she didn't like him. At the end, the guy just got bored and found himself a girlfriend. Only I remember that if she tells him to come back, he'll come running.

I: And when you spoke to her about him, what did she tell you?

Female parent: That I was right, that he was very good, but she didn't like him. (In-depth interviews, family unit members)

This dialogue between the researcher and the interviewee shows how the mother sees in the boy a good and proper homo for her girl, that is, ethically well valued. However, the daughter does not discover him attractive. At the same fourth dimension, this quote exemplifies the fact that the mother is the person in the family who predominantly talks about these bug with her children. The following lines reveal more details most this event.

Mothers and the Language of Ethics

The affair is that my dad doesn't care about these problems. The 1 who does is my mother.

I: And what did she tell you lot?

That I should be careful, I should be careful with boys who are too aggressive because they can drive you on the wrong track. (Caro, 19 years, life stories)

Equally shown in the above quote, girls sometimes choose to talk well-nigh their intimate life with their mothers. In this sense, the field work shows that girls feel much more than open up to talk over the topic of love and relationships with relatives of their same gender, in this case with their mothers. The following quote is extracted from an interview with a father and a mother, where the aforementioned tendency is confirmed.

Father: I don't talk about those things with her.

Mother: I am the i who speaks nearly boyfriends with her; she'due south always telling me stuff. Every day I enquire her about it. Not him; he tells her that he doesn't want to talk most those topics with her. (In-depth interviews, family member)

These interactions happen when comfortable advice facilitates intimate discussion, for example, when mothers try to approach and become to know their daughters better. Likewise, one of the interviewed mothers explains how she maintains certain dialogue and communication strategies with her daughter to go on her away from men who she, as a mother, does not consider acceptable for her daughter. These spaces of advice and intimacy allow interactions that link formality and equality through the language of ethics. In the following quote, this type of interaction is confirmed when a female parent refers to the man she considers adequate for her daughter. She does not employ a language of desire to describe him; on the reverse, she talks well-nigh him employing words linked to kindness.

Mother: I am e'er telling her if somebody is no good for her. I tell her that she has to think about the futurity, that she should call back if that guy she likes has a hereafter. In the beginning, she always gets angry, simply when she meets another guy, she tells me. (In-depth interviews, family members)

The previous quotes also illustrate how the mother makes direct apply of the language of ethics to socialize her daughter toward a model of man, ruling out the human being who she does not consider satisfactory for her daughter. Talking in this way has the objective of influencing her daughter's selection but utilizing adjectives that are fundamentally based on ethical issues. For case, as shown in the next quotation, adjectives full of ethical connotations are used. The start one refers to boys as "studious" and the second one as "normal," just none of them have elements that connect with immature people'southward conceptions of attractiveness and desire.

"My mother talks to me more like a friend. My mother is always telling me that I should look at normal boys that are not too lazy, so if tomorrow I can be with them, then it should be all right. That they don't care for me bad or that I have to back up them and things similar that. That they written report, normal, non dumb, only normal". (Cris, eighteen years, life stories)

In dissimilarity, the linguistic communication used by fathers to address attraction and relationships is radically different. Mothers' words are more connected with ideals, while fathers utilise language, generally when speaking with boys that is not ethically constructed. This topic will be analyzed more in depth in the adjacent section, where different elements that reproduce the double standards will be described.

Fathers and Double Standards

In this study, fathers' involvement in socialization is different from that of mothers. Fathers foster double standards when interacting with their children, just but with boys. In this sense, the fathers who participated in this enquiry take different attitudes depending on the gender of their children. The bear witness gathered shows the differences in communication between fathers and their boys and girls in like circumstances. Their language generates a reproduction of dominant traditional masculinity, mainly through the utilize of words that compare girls with objects, every bit shown in the following quote.

"My male parent tells my twin brother that he has to screw all the girls he can. But he doesn't tell me anything, and I can't tell him anything because I am his footling girl" (Cris, 18 years, life stories)

This kind of language is disrespectful toward women; it separates itself from ethics and incorporates a sexual component. This component does not exist in the language used by mothers, who, equally we have previously witnessed, are those who are most involved in discussions of attraction based on ethical issues. Nonetheless, in the fathers' chatty acts, there are no transformative elements; on the contrary, they are reproducing elements that foster socialization based on double standards. In the following quote, we can observe this reality from the perspective of a young interviewee:

Yeah, my father is a bit former-fashioned; he tells me to do the things that he used to exercise. Chauvinist-based things. For example, he tells me that I should just spiral girls. (Xavi, 18 years, life stories)

Ultimately, every bit nosotros accept shown in previous quotes, fathers' and often mothers' language use contribute to the perpetuation of double standards. This does non help encourage alternative affective and sexual relationships in the side by side generations; on the contrary, a conservative conception is reinforced. The adjacent quote exemplifies this reality: "My father always says… Every bit long as she is hot, that's enough" (Adam, twenty years, life stories). In add-on, this kind of language is too socializing boys into chauvinist values as it stated in the next quote where a homophobic statement is expressed. In that case, as Adam said, a father does not take his son'southward homosexuality because will not be able to respond to his ideal of boy succeeding with girls: "His begetter is the one who says 'fuck', the only son that I have and that he is fagot" (Adam, twenty years, life stories).Therefore, consequences of this kind of linguistic communication use with young generations must be widely explored, and in the side by side department, the thorough assay carried out in this study will shed light on this consequence.

Consequences

Two chief consequences have been identified through the analysis of language use: (a) the reproduction of double standards—only paying attending in this case to the attractiveness of masculine dominant models—and (b) the lack of attractiveness of young males who have values but are considered simply as friends and not equally prospective partners in a sexual and affective relationship. Regarding double standards, several of the interviewed young women maintained that there are two kinds of men, some to have fun with and others to be boyfriends. These notions are reflected through the contradictions manifested past the interviewed girls at the time of choosing a partner. Influenced by the interactions they have had inside their family environs, they end up making radically different choices regarding boys. This situation is reflected in the following quote, where the interviewee defines which characteristics a guy should have to capture her interest: "To become out with those that are bastards, that they make you express joy and such. And for a boyfriend, one that understands yous, that is sincere". (Cris, 18 years, life stories).

Thus, despite the attempts of families to socialize their daughters into relationships based on egalitarian values, the language of ethics that parents employ is not able to modify or socialize their attractiveness toward alternative male models. In fact, they have the opposite event by encouraging the attractiveness toward violence and even justifying it.

Man, we similar him to be like that, aggressive, because you know that whatever happens, he can defend yous or they are going to respect you too considering you are his girlfriend. And nobody's going to say anything to y'all. (Paola, xix years, life stories).

The 2nd consequence is removing attractiveness from men of masculinity associated with egalitarian values. In this way, interactions inside the family environment suggest the complete absence of attractiveness of egalitarian young men. The apply of the language of ethics impacts the attractiveness of a model of men that their parents consider adequate for their daughters. This is known past women who see men whom their parents consider expert for them directly as weak men or, as they call them, "mama's boys." This is reflected in the next quotation, where a young interviewee is asked about the attitude of her classmates in her high school, and she describes good men every bit weak: "You know what happens? When y'all are good, they tell them they are mama'due south boys." (Paola, nineteen years, life stories). These "mama boys" practice not generate whatsoever kind of desire, in fact their goodness is an explanatory element of this lack of desire, because goodness and bewitchery are separated: "there was a girl that said to me: I don't similar him because he is too good and this doesn't plow me on, he isn't hot for me" (Lorena, twenty years, life stories).

These kinds of interactions, in which bewitchery is completely removed from young men with egalitarian values or well evaluated from an ethical indicate of view, is non an isolated incident. On the contrary, it is a situation in which the interactions between young people make evident the attractiveness toward violent masculine models. In the following quote, it is observed how a boy with values is questioned regarding his power to be with a girl who, in the opinion of others, is much prettier.

I don't know, I have a friend who, let's come across, is not adept looking, sort of, and he has a good center and… I don't know. And certain, he is with a really good looking girl and people tell her: How can you be with him? (Lorena, xx years, life stories)

Consequently, it does not matter what values boys have; girls but practise not perceive these boys as attractive, and that is reason enough to question their relationships. As noted, emotions and attractiveness are socialized; therefore, these kind of interactions are not more than a production of socialization processes, in which families have an important part.

Discussion

Drawing on the conclusions of the previous analyses collected in the literature review, there are several elements that contribute to sympathize the influence of socialization in the shaping of models of attractiveness and gender stereotypes. In add-on, in those analyses the role that family environment and language have in these processes is evidenced. For instance, the literature helps reveal how conceptions of attractiveness are defined through daily interactions in different socializing spaces like family (Duque, 2006; Urpí and Naval, 2006; McCarthy and Casey, 2008; Gomez, 2015). Similarly, it likewise helps to comprehend how the construction of gender identity and people's emotions perpetuate affective and sexual relationships marked by the attraction toward violence (Kimmel, 2000; Connell, 2005; Schrock and Schwalbe, 2009; Hughey, 2011; Hunter et al., 2011; Shaffer et al., 2012). However, all these studies lack an explanation of the families' socializing role on immature people's attraction patterns and the perpetuation of a double standard discourse.

In this enquiry we endeavor to respond this gap starting from the hypothesis: communicative acts settled in daily family interactions, including verbal and non-verbal language, are fostering the maintenance of a double-standard soapbox in relation to young people's affective and sexual relationships. In this regard, we have collected evidences on how young people, particularly young girls, cull bad guys for their initial sexual or affective relationships and how these choices brand them more than vulnerable to suffer IPV. This final effect is an issue which has been widely explored by previous research (Bukowski et al., 2000) making visible how heterosexual girls who want this typology of guys are more than likely to take abusive dating or abusive marital relations. In fact, enquiry has too demonstrated that the existence of a socialization process that links authorisation and attractiveness is an of import explanatory factor of IPV in teenagers (Valls et al., 2008). However, present investigation goes beyond these analyses and illustrates how girls' choices in their affective and sexual relationships are conditioned past the interactions and the language used within the family surround. These findings also illustrate that this language is centered on ethics and consequently in double standards. Thus, parents, especially mothers, used to perform a language of ethics with their daughters trying to promote egalitarian masculine models although they accomplish a controversial impact and finally young girls choose bad boys. On the other hand, research also shows how fathers, employing a language of want with their sons, reproduce chauvinist and double standards discourses that imply maintaining traditional schemes on immature people'southward sexual and affective interests.

Although previous research already identified the impact of communicative acts to favor attraction toward violence and the reproduction of double standards (Castro and Mara, 2014; Gomez, 2015), in that location are less analyses focused on how family relations could interfere on this process. Therefore findings presented here give new arguments about what interactions and what kind of language maintain these exclusionary dynamics in the family unit environment. Henceforth, to continue working on this line information technology is highly necessary to explore the mechanisms of constructing an alternative language in family relations, which would be based on desire and pass up traditional and tearing relationships as well as aggressive models of attractiveness. Beck (1992); Giddens (1994), and Beck-Gernsheim (2002) insist that reflexive modernity offers opportunities to reach this objective, to de-monopolize proficient knowledge, to create deep revolutions in family intimacy and social movements. This modernity is characterized by a reformulation of subjects' personal relationships because more opportunities to constitute an egalitarian dialogue, based on validity claims (Habermas, 1985), are settled. Hence, in current societies families and educational organizations are increasingly promoting interventions based on this effective dialogue which are providing relevant knowledge to children and teenager for their choices in terms of sexual and affective relationships (Soler, 2017).

The results described in this article encompass many of these elements, meaning that their objective is to have a social touch on overcoming negative choices that young people take (Flecha et al., 2015; Reale et al., 2017). In short, because all these elements, it can be stated that family unit relations and discussions tin play a fundamental role in preventing IPV considering they tin position themselves every bit protagonists of a transformation in the socialization of attractiveness through linking the language of ethics with the language of desire.

Ethics Statement

The research conducted for the elaboration of this article followed the scientific and ethical procedures defined past the EU's Charter of Fundamental Rights and the UNESCO Universal Announcement of Human Rights. The upstanding standards of the investigation are taking into account the recommendations established in the field of Social Sciences and Humanities research of Horizon 2020. In this regard, informed consent forms were distributed amongst young and adult people involved in the study co-ordinate the recommendations of the Ethical Regulations of the Academy of Barcelona where the study was conducted. These informed consent forms were properly responded and returned past students and parents of the students. Finally, it is also important to mention that research and its data drove instruments where validated by the Clinical Research Ethics Committee of the Bellvitge Hospital (Barcelona, Spain).

Author Contributions

OR-G and LD contributed with the analysis of the field piece of work and the elaboration of Results and Discussion sections. JP designed the investigation, conducted the data drove techniques and worked on the stated of the art section. ED participated in the elaboration and review of the state of the art of the article.

Conflict of Interest Statement

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or fiscal relationships that could exist construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Acknowledgments

This article is supported by the competitive inquiry projection: Uni4Freedom. Violències per raó d'orientació sexual, identitat o expressió de gènere a les universitats catalanes funded past the Programme Recercaixa (Caixa Bank).

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